The long road to racial equality

Q: Do you consider the Reconstruction Era to be an unfinished revolution?

A: When we talk about revolutions, it’s important to understand that they rarely have clear-cut endings. Instead, they tend to be ongoing processes with advances and setbacks along the way. Reconstruction was no exception.

In the wake of the Civil War, the United States was just beginning to explore the possibilities of black citizenship and the transformative impact it could have on the nation as a whole. It’s important to note, though, that even when laws are passed or amendments ratified, their implementation and acceptance takes time, and in this case the forces of reaction – those who resisted change – ultimately gained the upper hand.

Throughout the Reconstruction years, black people were actively striving to claim and exercise their freedom, infusing it with meaning and purpose.

However, they faced numerous obstacles. One of these challenges came in the form of exploitative laws, such as the black codes, which severely limited the rights of black people and prevented them from achieving political and economic autonomy. Additionally, white vigilante terrorism, exemplified by the emergence of the first Ku Klux Klan, founded in 1865 by former Confederate soldiers, posed a grave threat to black families and their homes. Such acts of violence and intimidation were intended to strip black people of their independence and reaffirm that their freedom did not grant them authority over themselves, their homes, or their families.

The struggle for authority over black people and the meaning of black life continued to unfold over the decades that followed and throughout the next century. It was a complex battle, with progress being made at times, but also setbacks and challenges to overcome.

Q: What role did the Mississippi Plan play in reversing black freedoms at the end of Reconstruction?

A: In 1870, the 15th Amendment was ratified, guaranteeing black men the right to vote, thereby establishing universal manhood suffrage. However, as we know, laws can sometimes have workarounds, especially when coordinated efforts are made to undermine them, and in 1890, the Mississippi state legislature came up with a way of pushing African-Americans out of the public sphere
while not violating the 15th Amendment.

Rather than banning black voters outright, they implemented tactics that made it harder for poor southerners, especially black southerners, to vote. This included the introduction of a poll tax, which required people to pay a certain amount of money to get on the electoral register. Additionally, literacy tests were set up, which allowed the white person administering the test to subjectively determine whether an African-American had passed it or not. Another method employed was the creation of a grandfather clause, which stated that a person could only vote if their grandfather had been a voter in that particular county. Unfortunately, for most African-Americans in the 1890s, their grandparents had largely been enslaved, which rendered them ineligible to vote under this provision.

The effectiveness of the Mississippi Plan saw a number of other southern states adopt similar tactics, and by the early 1900s, the majority of African-American people in most former Confederate states had been disfranchised. While there were still some pockets of African-American political presence, especially in urban centres, overall, black political power had been severely undermined by the beginning of the 20th century.

The implementation of segregation laws during this period are often viewed as a separate phenomenon from the racial terror of this era, but their enforcement spurred an increase in lynching. These were not the clandestine under-cover-of-darkness attacks that would later be associated with cases like Emmett Till. Rather, they were horrific public spectacles that resembled carnivals or county fairs. Such events were sometimes advertised in advance, drawing large crowds who would gather, sing hymns, sell lemonade, and even take pieces of the victims’ bodies as macabre souvenirs. It’s a period that was characterised by gruesome displays of white supremacy, which not only instilled fear in black communities, terrorising them out of trying to save their vote, but also marked the triumph of racial oppression.

Q: When does the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ come into play in the US?

A: The doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ was introduced during the late 19th century, primarily as a result of the Supreme Court’s ruling in the landmark case of Plessy vs Ferguson in 1896, which ruled that segregation was constitutional so long as the separate facilities provided were deemed equal. This ruling effectively enshrined the principle of ‘separate but equal’ into American law. It’s worth noting, though, that segregation was not solely a southern phenomenon or limited to Jim Crow laws. It existed in various parts of the United States, including urban areas, often in the form of customary practices and traditions.

However, the move to legally codify segregation and make it the norm gained momentum after Reconstruction. With the advent of railroads and the increasing popularity of mass travel, there was a simultaneous push to segregate transportation. This gave rise to resistance, sit-ins, and boycotts, even before the large-scale mid-century boycotts that we often associate with the Civil Rights Movement.

Alongside the legal developments, there were instances of mass violence and racially motivated riots, predominantly led by white mobs, throughout the latter half of the 19th century. The most brazen of these, in Wilmington, North Carolina, in 1898, was met with inaction by President William McKinley [who served 1897–1901]. The government, which had played a role in safeguarding the civil rights of African-Americans during Reconstruction, now appeared to withdraw from actively promoting meaningful citizenship for its citizens.

Q: What was life like for African- Americans in early 20th-century Jim Crow America?

A: It varied depending on where you lived. In many southern areas, segregation was enshrined in law, but it didn’t always mean complete separation. Paradoxically, those who vehemently opposed black people in certain spaces relied on them for domestic labour, such as cooking and childcare.

In urban spaces, there could be more physical separation due to neighbourhood structures. However, a common thread throughout Jim Crow America was the disempowerment of African-Americans, limiting their ability to advocate for themselves. Despite being nominal citizens, they often relied on the goodwill of others to accomplish even basic tasks, although they often found ingenious ways to navigate and overcome these challenges.

Black political life shifted to alternative spaces where collective action could thrive. The black church emerged as a vital space for political expression and organisation, while black schools not only provided education but also passed down counter-narratives that challenged the derogatory claims made about black people elsewhere.

Living under Jim Crow required knowing how to navigate customs and etiquette, and learning to present a compliant face while preserving a sense of self behind what poet and novelist Paul Laurence Dunbar called “the mask”. It was a delicate balance between compliance and maintaining an inner understanding of one’s identity, often hidden from view.

When discussing the African-American experience during Jim Crow, it is crucial to convey the hideousness and brutality of the system, the traumas endured, and the generational impact of intense exploitation and dehumanisation.

However, it is equally important to recognise the resilience, determination and creativity of black people who, despite the dehumanising environment, expressed their humanity, created beauty, and envisioned a better future. The story of black life under Jim Crow is not solely one of suffering but is also a testament to the remarkable capacity to endure, resist, and ultimately lay the foundation for the Civil Rights Movement that would emerge later in the 20th century.

Q: How far back can we trace the black freedom struggle?

A: I would say that there has been a black freedom struggle in the Americas since there have been black people in the Americas. As soon as the notion arose that black people could be ‘owned’ and that this ownership might be a denial of their humanity, a resistance to this injustice emerged.

A pivotal moment, without which we would not have had a mid-century Civil Rights Movement, was the Great Migration [1910-70], which saw millions of black Americans leave the South, initially heading North and, in later years, West. The black newspaper The Chicago Defender played a major part in inspiring this migration, proclaiming that it was better to die in a northern winter than to face a southern mob.

Additionally, the establishment of organisations played a crucial role. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909 in response to a race riot in the city of Springfield, Illinois, was a significant milestone in the fight for civil rights.

The 20th century witnessed the unfolding, intensification and empowerment of the black freedom struggle. The Great Migration and the Great War provided new fronts for civil rights activists. However, the so-called ‘Red Summer’ of 1919, characterised by waves of racist violence, highlighted white Americans’ opposition to a ‘war for democracy’ at home. Nevertheless, the struggle persisted, with renewed determination from the veterans of World War I to ensure that World War II would bring about greater change, which it ultimately did.

Indeed, World War II was a significant moment in the black freedom struggle, and acted as a catalyst for the Civil Rights Movement. African-Americans experienced a mass mobilisation involving not just soldiers, but also the families, churches and communities who supported them. These veterans returned with first-hand experiences of fighting fascism abroad while enduring systemic oppression and discrimination at home. The Pittsburgh Courier, a prominent black newspaper, coined the phrase ‘double victory’ to emphasise the absurdity and hypocrisy of upholding racial inequality after such a monumental war.

Returning soldiers and mobilised civilians expanded and invigorated the freedom struggle in the postwar years, predominantly through peaceful means but with an eye to self-defence. The landmark Brown vs Board of Education decision and the Montgomery bus boycott also emerged from this period of postwar activism. The question of where people, regardless of race or ethnicity, would stand in response to this struggle became increasingly important. The fight for black freedom called on all Americans to consider their position and take a stand against injustice.

This article was first published in the September 2023 issue of BBC History Revealed